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1)

(a) The Mishnah in Mo'ed Katan adds to a long list of what is considered public needs that are permitted on Chol ha'Mo'ed that one may mark graves and send out inspectors to check the fields for Kil'ayim.
But did they not mark the graves already in Adar (as we learned in our Mishnah)?

(b) And did they not already send inspectors in Adar?

(a) What do we learn from the Pasuk in Tazri'a "ve'Tamei Tamei Yikra" (written with regard to a Metzora before he left town)?

(b) We also learn this concept from an incident (in Yechezkel -with regard to Gog and Magog) that human bones should be marked.
Why is one not Tamei because of the flesh?

(c) What volume bones must there be for a person to become Tamei through Ohel ha'Mes?

(a) "u'Matza Etzem Adam, u'Vanah Etzlo Tziyun" ... (Yechezkel) What does the Gemara learn from ...

1. ... "Etzem"?
2. ... "Adam"?
3. ... "Etzlo"?
4. ... "Tziyun"?

(b) From "u'Banah" we learn that a *fixed* gave-stone must also be marked.
Why not a *loose* one?

(c) We just learned that the marking had to extend beyond the stone. What will be the Din if one finds a marked stone whose markings do not extend beyond it?

(d) How do we account for the fact that the markings do not go beyond the stone?

(a) What will be the Din in a case of *two* marked stones a distance apart from each other?

(b) Will it make any difference if the ground in between the two stones is plowed?

(c) Why does one not mark human flesh (when there are no bones)?

(d) But how can we permit a situation where, for the time-being, someone will walk over human flesh without realizing it and then work with Taharos?

5)

(a) At first, the inspectors used to dig up the Kil'ayim and throw it in front of the culprits.
What caused them to take a more stringent line and to throw it on the paths?

(b) Even throwing it on the paths, it seems, did not have the desired effect.
Why not? How did they ultimately penalize the sinners?

(c) What do we learn from the Pasuk in Ezra "ve'Chol Asher Lo Yavo ... Yochoram Kol Rechusho"?

(a) Should Beis-Din ha'Gadol declare the Shemitah-year or the year following it, a leap-year, Bedi'eved, their declaration is valid. Lechatchilah however, they should not have done so.
Why should they not declare a leap- year ...

1. ... in the Shemitah-year?
2. ... in the eighth year?

(b) Assuming that, when they did declare either of these two years a leap- year (rendering its crops Hefker), what grows is also exempt from Ma'asros, why is there no proof from here that what the Beis-Din declare Hefker is even Patur from Ma'asros?

(c) Which institution did Rebbi initiate that rendered obsolete the decree prohibiting the declaration of the seventh and eighth years as leap-years?

(d) For which other reason does that decree not apply nowadays?

7)

(a) If someone made a hay-stack over an area where the poor had not yet collected 'Leket', all the grains that are touching the ground belong to the poor (and are Patur from Ma'asros). Rebbi Ami quoting Resh Lakish, establishes this Beraisa like Beis Shamai.
What does Beis Shamai say?

(b) Rebbi Yossi (alias Rebbi Asi) disagrees. He establishes it even like Beis Hillel.
How does he explain the Beraisa?

8)

(a) On the fifteenth, the money-changers sat in Yerushalayim (or in the other towns of Eretz Yisrael).
What did they sit for?

(b) On the twenty-fifth, they sat in the Beis-Hamikdash (or in Yerushalayim).
What did the Beis-Din do simultaneously?

(c) From which four groups would they take a security? (d) From where do we learn to exempt from half a Shekel ...

1. ... women?
2. ... slaves?

(a) Until which age is a child considered a Katan with regard to taking a security from him?

(b) Are they exempt from the half-Shekel altogether?

(c) When does a father become obligated to give a half-Shekel on behalf of his small child?

(a) According to the Tana Kama of our Mishnah, one does not claim a security from Kohanim because of Darkei Shalom. Darkei Shalom cannot be understood literally.
Why not? What does it really mean?

(b) What does Rebbi Yehudah testify in the name of Ben Buchri in Yavneh?

(c) Rebbi Yochanan ben Zakai disagrees.
What does *he* say about the Kohanim giving a half-Shekel?

(d) How did the Kohanim misinterpret the Pasuk "ve'Chol Minchas Kohen Kalil Tihyeh ... Lo Sei'achel" (Tzav)?

(a) How does Rebbi Yochanan ben Zakai derive the obligation of Kohanim to give half a Shekel, from the Pasuk in Ki Sisa "Zeh Yitnu"?

(b) The Chachamim initially understood that Rebbi Yochanan ben Zakai's reason was because 'Kalil' was not said with regard to a Korban Tzibur (where Yisraelim as well as Kohanim have a share).
How did they attempt to prove that such a distinction exists, from the Din of a Chatas that has to die?

(c) On what grounds does the Gemara reject this proof?

(d) In fact, Rebbi Yochanan ben Zakai's reason here is equivalent to the reason that one may ever use private donations to purchase say, the Omer and the Sh'tei ha'Lechem.
What is it?

(a) What are the two ways of interpreting the Pasuk in Ki Sisa "Kol ha'Over Al ha'Pekudim"?

(b) How does the one opinion support Rebbi Yochanan ben Zakai and the other, Ben Buchri? According to the latter, surely, the Kohanim and the Levi'im *were* counted - albeit separately?

13)

(a) What is the difference between *women, slaves and children* who donated a half-Shekel, on the one hand, and *gentiles and Kutim* on the other?

(b) What are the five obligatory offerings that one cannot accept from gentiles or from Kutim (which two of these apply to Kutim but not to gentiles)?

(c) How do we learn this principle from "Ish Ish" (Vayikra)?

(d) What proof does the Tana bring for this from Ezra?